From:          "Yeshivat Har Etzion's Israel Koschitzky Virtual Beit Midrash"
To:            yhe-intparsha@vbm-torah.org
Subject:       INTPARSHA -47: SHOFTIM


                   YESHIVAT HAR ETZION
      ISRAEL KOSCHITZKY VIRTUAL BEIT MIDRASH (VBM)
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                    PARASHAT SHOFTIM

                     Parashat Ha-melekh
                      by Rav Josh Amaru


 "If,  after  you have entered the land that  the  Lord
 your God has assigned to you, and taken possession  of
 it  and settled in it, you decide, 'I will set a  king
 over me as do all the nations about me:' You shall  be
 free  to set a king over yourself, one chosen  by  the
 Lord  your God.  Be sure to set as king over  yourself
 one  of  your own people; you must not set a foreigner
 over  you,  one who is not your kinsman: Moreover,  he
 shall  not  keep  many horses or send people  back  to
 Egypt  to add to his horses, since the Lord has warned
 you,  'You  must not go back that way again:'  And  he
 shall  not have many wives, lest his heart go  astray;
 nor shall he amass silver and gold to excess:
 When  he is seated on his royal throne, he shall  have
 a  copy  of this Teaching written for him on a  scroll
 by  the Levitical priests.  Let it remain with him and
 let  him  read in it all of his life, so that  he  may
 learn   to  revere  the  Lord  his  God,  to    observe
 faithfully  every  word of this Teaching  as  well  as
 these laws: Thus he will not act haughtily toward  his
 fellows  or deviate from the Instruction to the  right
 or   to  the  left,  to  the  end  that   he  and   his
 descendants  may  reign long in the midst  of  Israel"
 (Devarim 17:14-20, JPS translation).

 What   is  the  ideal  political  system?    This  week's
parasha   provides  the  only  explicit   discussion    of
political theory in the whole Written Torah.  Even in the
Torah she-ba'al peh the discussion of the form and nature
of  government  is sparse (mostly a few sections  in  the
second  chapter of masekhet Sanhedrin).  We will  discuss
the  reason  for the Torah's seeming lack of interest  in
political  issues towards the end of this shiur.   First,
we will investigate what the Torah does say by means of a
close reading of 'parashat ha-melekh.'

Is Monarchy a Mitzva?

     At  first  blush, the very asking of  this   question
feels  vaguely  heretical.  Every day  we  pray  for   the
reinstitution  of  the throne of David.   Does  that  not
imply   that   monarchy  is  Judaism's  ideal    form   of
government?  As a matter of fact, there is a disagreement
(machloket) among the Tanaim whether there is a mitzva to
establish a monarchy (Tosefta Sanhedrin 4:c).   In  order
to  understand the machloket, we need to go back  to  the
verses  in  our parasha and see how each side  interprets
them.  The key to this question lies in understanding the
relationship between the first two verses of parashat ha-
melekh:
    
pasuk 14:
 "If  (When) after you have entered the land  that  the
 Lord   your  God  has  assigned  to  you,   and   taken
 possession  of  it and settled in it, you  decide,  'I
 will  set  a king over me as do all the nations  about
 me.'"

pasuk 15:
 "You  shall be free to (You shall surely) set  a  king
 over yourself, one chosen by the Lord your God..."

 The  first word of pasuk 14, "Ki" can be interpreted  in
two  ways.   If we follow the JPS translation (if),  then
the  whole  verse is understood as a conditional  clause:
"If,  after  you have settled the land,  you  ask  for   a
king..."   This  reading influences our  reading  of   the
beginning of the next verse: "Som tasim alekha melekh..."
as  permission  to  appoint a king ("you  shall  be   free
to..."), with the qualifications as elaborated below (not
too   many  wives,  not  too  many  horses,   etc.).   The
institution  of  monarchy is  not  a  mitzva  or  even   a
desideratum - the Torah allows Am Yisrael to have a  king
in  order  to  satisfy their desire to be like  "all  the
nations  about me."  The institution of monarchy appears,
according to this interpretation, to be not more  than  a
concession  to  the will of the people to  imitate  their
neighbors - instead of forbidding it entirely, the  Torah
allows it under certain specific limiting conditions.

 If  we interpret the word "ki" as 'when,' as opposed  to
'if,' the meaning of these verses undergoes a significant
change.   The  Torah is not responding to a  hypothetical
demand  on  the part of the people for a king but  laying
out  the  preconditions under which setting up a monarchy
is  mandated:  After  the  land has  been  conquered   and
settled, and the people begin to feel a need for  a  king
(more  on this important qualification later!), the Torah
commands: "Som tasim alekha melekh...," "You shall surely
set   a  king  over  yourself..."   Under   this  reading,
instituting  a  monarchy  is  not  a  concession  to   the
people's  weakness but an important stage in Am Yisrael's
development as a people.  Upon reaching this stage, there
is  a commandment to appoint a king, though the Torah  is
careful  to define and limit this king's powers -  he  is
not  some oriental potentate but the leader of the people
who must rule according to the Torah.

These two interpretations of the pesukim are reflected in
the  different positions quoted in the Tosefta (Sanhedrin
4c):

 R.  Yehuda  says:  Benei  Yisrael  were  commanded   to
 fulfil  three  mitzvot  upon  entering  the  land:   To
 appoint  a  king, to build the Temple and  to  destroy
 the  descendants of Amalek...  R. Nehorai  says:  This
 passage  (parashat ha-melekh) was only in response  to
 their  (the  people's) complaint, as it says  "I  will
 set a king over me..."
 
 R.  Yehuda understands the pesukim to imply a mitzva  to
appoint  a king, while R. Nehorai views them as  granting
no  more  than  permission  to  do  so.   This   machloket
continues  among  the  Rishonim.   The  Rambam    (Hilkhot
Melakhim  1:1), and most of the other Rishonim follow  R.
Yehuda's  opinion  and  hold that  there  is  a   positive
commandment  to  appoint  a king  under  the  appropriate
circumstances.   The  Abarbanel  defends   R.    Nehorai's
position  in  a fascinating (and lengthy) discourse  that
includes  interpretation of the  pesukim,  classical  and
contemporary political philosophy, and reference  to  the
political  situation  of his time  (see  the  Abarbanel's
commentary to I Samuel chap. 8).
 
 Besides  representing different readings of the pesukim,
these  two  positions reflect broader issues  that  arise
when we weigh the value the Torah gives to monarchy as  a
political  system.  On the one hand, as mentioned  above,
it  is  clear that the tradition assigns great import  to
malkhut  beit David - the monarchy of David's house.   We
pray  for  its return, we believe that yemot  ha-mashiach
will entail its re-establishment, and read in other books
of  Tanakh (namely Shmuel, Melakhim, Divrei Ha-yamim, and
many  references throughout Nevi'im and Ketuvim)  of  its
importance  and  permanence.  All  of  this  supports   R.
Yehuda's  position.   On the other hand,  the  verses  in
Shmuel  (I  Samuel, chap. 8) imply a much  less  positive
attitude towards the monarchy.  When the people demand  a
king,  Shmuel  is  displeased  and  prays  to  God.    God
responds:  "Heed the demand of the people  in  everything
they  say  to you.  For it is not you they have rejected;
it is Me they have rejected as their king" (I Samuel 8:7,
JPS  translation).   These pesukim  seem  to  imply   that
setting  up a monarchy is a rejection of God's  rule  and
that  God's  allowing  a monarchy  should  be  viewed   as
concession to the people's weakness.  In these pesukim we
find  support for R. Nehorai's opinion (see  the  Tosefta
for  two  answers  that  can be  given  according  to   R.
Yehuda).  It would appear that instead of clarifying  our
understanding  of the Torah's political  theory  we  have
further  confused it.  One opinion claims that the  Torah
basically rejects monarchy but is willing to allow it  on
popular  demand, under certain limiting conditions.   The
other opinion has a positive attitude towards monarchy  -
indeed there is a mitzva to appoint a king - but the king
must  follow  certain rules and behave in a certain  way.
It  would  be presumptuous of us to decide between  these
two  opinions.  In the following we will try to put  them
in  context,  and try to understand how such a  seemingly
crucial issue is left so unclear.  First, let us  take  a
look  at  the limitations the Torah imposes on the  king,
and at the instructions it has for his behavior.

Constitutional Monarchy

     In the ancient Middle East, the king very often knew
no  limitations  -  his  word was law  for  everyone   but
himself.   In  Egypt  (and other  places)  the  king   was
considered  one  othe  gods.   In  contrast,  the    king,
according to the Torah, is not above the law.   Not  only
must  he keep the Torah, there are special mitzvot  which
apply only to him and which seem directed at avoiding two
things:  foreign  influence and the  corruption  that  so
often is associated with power.
    
 "...You must not set a foreigner over you, one who  is
 not  your  kinsman: Moreover, he shall not  keep  many
 horses  or  send people back to Egypt to  add  to  his
 horses,  since the Lord has warned you, 'You must  not
 go  back that way again.'  And he shall not have  many
 wives,  lest his heart go astray; nor shall  he  amass
 silver and gold to excess."
      
     The  first rule is not a limitation of what the king
can  do but a limitation as to who can be a candidate for
the  kingship.  It is not surprising, given the  emphasis
in  Sefer Devarim on avoiding foreign influence that will
lead into avoda zara, that the king must be a fellow Jew.
The  other rules seem to be directed at potential abuses.
The  gemara  (Sanhedrin 21b) explains that the  king  may
have as many horses and gold and silver he needs - but he
is   prohibited   to  amass  wealth  or  military    power
(presumably at the expense of his subjects) for their own
sakes,  as  a  flamboyant expression of  his  power.    In
addition, he must be wary of a particular temptation of a
king  -  not  to  return  the people  to  Egypt.    He  is
forbidden a large harem (a normal expression of power  in
the  ancient  Middle  East) because of  the  danger  this
entails  - "lest his heart go astray."  Presumably,  this
refers  to the danger of foreign influence from political
marriages  (e.g., Shlomo Ha-melekh) as  well  as  to  the
potential  for  moral corruption in a marital  life  that
knows  no  limitations.  The overall impression one  gets
from these prohibitions is that the Torah is wary of  the
king's  abuse of power for two reasons: 1. that  he  will
lead the people astray (this would certainly be a problem
for  many  of the kings in Sefer Melakhim).  2.  that  he
himself  will  be  morally corrupted and become  arrogant
(which  will  perhaps result in him  leading  the  people
astray).

     This second concern is emphasized in the second half
of parashat ha-melekh:
    
 "When he is seated on his royal throne, he shall  have
 a  copy  of this teaching written for him on a  scroll
 by  the levitical priests.  Let it remain with him and
 let  him  read in it all of his life, so that  he  may
 learn   to  revere  the  Lord  his  God,  to    observe
 faithfully  every  word of this teaching  as  well  as
 these laws: Thus he will not act haughtily toward  his
 fellows  or deviate from the Instruction to the  right
 or   to  the  left,  to  the  end  that   he  and   his
 descendants nay reign long in the midst of Israel."
 
 The  Torah is very aware of the corrupting influence  of
power  and  warns the king to beware.  The  king  is  not
exempt  from  the  law, rather he is  instructed  to  pay
special  attention to it.  As leader of  the  people,  he
must be their leader in keeping the Torah.

The Will of the People and God's Will

     Until now we have discussed the legal obligations of
the king without reference to the basis of his authority.
The  king is appointed by the people - "Som tasim  ALEKHA
melekh."  Even according to the opinion that there  is  a
mitzva  to  appoint a king, this mitzva is only operative
upon the people's demand - there is no mitzva to force  a
king  on  the  people (see the Netziv  in  Ha-amek  Davar
Devarim  17:14  who expands upon this point).   The  idea
that  the  basis  of  the king's authority  lies  in   the
people's acceptance seems obvious today, but in its time,
this  idea  was positively revolutionary.  The idea  that
the  king's  continuing rule is not automatic or  'divine
right'  is  emphasized in another place:  Rashi,  in  his
commentary on the verse "that he and his descendants  may
reign long in the midst of Israel." (17:20) notes "he and
his  sons, saying that if his son is worthy of the throne
he  is  prior  to all others (based on the Bavli  Horayot
11b)."   Even the succession is not an absolute right  of
the  king's  -  his  son  only has  priority  over   other
candidates but his succession is not automatic.
    
     Let  us  return to our original question.  Why   does
the  Torah  relate  in such a limited  way  to  political
thought?   Even according to the opinion that instituting
the  monarchy is a mitzva, the Torah gives us  almost  no
information as to how government should be set  up.   All
we  have are a few isolated prohibitions relating to  the
king's behavior and a general exhortation for the king to
keep  the  Torah.   Compare that with (lehavdil)  ancient
Greek  thought  for which politics is  perhaps  the  most
central  issue (e.g., Plato's Republic).  The  answer  to
this question, and indeed the key to our understanding of
parashat ha-melekh, requires us to look at these  pesukim
in  their  broader  context.  Until  now,  we  have   been
relating   to  parashat  ha-melekh  as  if  it    were   a
description  of  a normal secular political  system.   In
this context, one could evaluate the political system  as
briefly  described  in  the  Torah,  and  point  out   its
strengths and weaknesses, etc.  However, the Torah is not
interested  in  secular  political  institutions,  or  in
politics  per  se.   The monarchy, as  described  in   our
parasha, is in not the best way to run a government but a
detail  in the relationship between Am Yisrael and  their
real king, God.  Though the monarchy requires the consent
of  the  people,  the  king himself  is  chosen  by   God.
Monarchy is a mitzva or at the least a valid option  when
the  sanhedrin  is sitting in "the place  that  God  will
choose" and when there are prophets to communicate  God's
will.   The danger of monarchy is that it will cause  the
people to forget who is their real king, as we see in the
pesukim  in  Shmuel  -  "For it  is  not  you   they  have
rejected;  it  is Me they have rejected as  their  king."
The  disagreement  between  the  Tannaim  as  to   whether
ultimately there is a mitzva to appoint a king  turns  on
whether the advantages of a king - as a unifying national
symbol and as a national leader - outweigh these dangers.
The  real king of Am Yisrael must be God and monarchy  is
only  a value when we, the people, recognize this.  Thus,
we can explain the absence of any concrete instruction in
the   Torah  as  to  the  ideal  political   system.   The
political  system  of  the  Torah  is  not  monarchy   nor
oligarchy nor democracy but malkhut shamayim.   The  king
is  subordinate to the King of Kings, and the Torah  does
go  to  great lengths in describing how Am Yisrael should
relate  to  Him.  The Torah is not concerned  with  human
political  systems because the ideal is the  kingship  of
God.   Parashat ha-melekh comes to teach us  that  within
the  context of this overriding ideal, there is room  for
human political institutions, perhaps ideally a monarchy,
led  by  a  king who does "not act haughtily  toward  his
fellows  or deviate from the Instruction to the right  or
to the left..."

     In  this essay, we have tried to explain the primary
message  (in my opinion) to be learned from parashat  ha-
melekh.  We have not dealt with more contemporary  issues
which  relate  to  our own non-ideal  reality,  like  the
halakhic  status  of democracy (obviously  a  great  many
democratic values exist in and are derived from the Torah
but  that  is  not to say that the Torah is clearly  pro-
democracy),  or  what  is  the  value  of  Jewish    self-
government  which does not realize the  ideal  of  divine
rule.   These are important issues but we have chosen  to
avoid  them  and  to  concentrate  on  understanding   the
pesukim  in  their  context.   These  pesukim  deal   with
monarchy.  Whether monarchy is an ideal remains  an  open
question,  though  the weight of opinion  throughout  the
generations  leans  toward  a  positive  answer  to   this
question.   It is certain, though, that the higher  ideal
is  that  of malkhut shamayim, of the kingdom of  heaven,
under which the specific form of human government is only
a detail.

Shabbat shalom.
                           
YESHIVAT HAR ETZION
ISRAEL KOSCHITZKY VIRTUAL BEIT MIDRASH
ALON SHEVUT, GUSH ETZION 90433

Copyright (c) 1999 Yeshivat Har Etzion
All Rights Reserved

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Weekly Sabbath Torah Reading/Commentary for Parashat Shoftim
(Deuteronomy 16:18-21:9), 2 Elul, 5760

by Rabbi Shlomo Riskin

Chief Rabbi of Efrat;

What form of government is the Jewish People
required to establish?

In this week's portion of Shoftim, we encounter for the first time the
commandment that the Israelites are to be ruled by a king.

"When you come unto the land which G-d your Lord gives you, and you
shall possess, and shall...say, 'I will set up a king over me, like
all the nations around us', you shall then appoint the king whom G-d
your Lord shall choose."  [Deuteronomy 17:14-15]

But what kind of king does the Torah have in mind?

The text goes on to speak in terms of a monarchy which is in sharp
contrast to how we usually conceive of imperial figures of the ancient
world, whether they be Pharaoh, Achashveirosh or Nebuchadnezzar who,
with their signet rings and royal scepters, determined life and death.

Much of that august power has been curtailed, starting in England
where the Magna Carta in 1215 guaranteed certain civil and political
liberties to the people.  Even so, as late as the 17th century the
social philosopher Thomas Hobbes, (1588-1679) in his classic work
Leviathan, could still speak of the "divine right of kings".

Undoubtedly, for many people, in order to accept a king's absolute
authority over every aspect of their lives, a measure of divinity was
necessary, as if his very blood came from a unique regal source --
blue blood for the nobility, and the bluest blood for the king.

But the blood of the king of Israel is not blue.

Following the commandment to appoint a king, the Torah immediately
places constraints on the king's powers, limiting the number of
horses, the number of his wives, and the amount of gold and silver he
is allowed to amass.

"Only he shall not accumulate many horses, so as not to bring the
people back to Egypt to get more horses... He must not have many
wives, so that they not make his heart go astray.  Neither shall he
multiply to himself much silver and gold."  [Deuteronomy 17:16-17]

To anyone raised on tales of chivalry and castles, the king of Israel
sounds more like a nobleman, but hardly a king, and certainly not
someone who can claim that his crown of authority is based on the
"divine right of kings".  If anything, it sounds more like the 'divine
  responsibility of kings'.

The issue of kingship is addressed by various commentators.  The
Abarbanel (1437-1508) understands this command to be voluntary
('reshut').  Only if the people specifically insist upon a king, shall
a monarchy be instituted.

Otherwise, G-d is to be the King of Israel -- a theocracy is the
preferred form of government!

Maimonides disagrees.  His list of three commandments that are to be
carried out by the people upon entering the land (Laws of Kings,
Chapter 1, Halacha 1) is headed by the commandment to "appoint a
king", citing our verse in Parshat Shoftim.  After a monarchy is in
place, the Israelites must then establish a Holy Temple.  Clearly, for
Maimonides, the monarchy is a necessary institution and not a
voluntary one.

Each of these Torah giants is stressing a different aspect of the
verses.

The Abarbanel considers the commandment from the perspective of the
beginning of the verse, emphasizing the fact that it is the people
initiating the request.

Maimonides, emphasizes the end of the verse, that the king is
ultimately seen as the chosen one of G-d. Such a result can not be
brought about by a mere matter of volition, but must be one of the
commandments of the 613 commandments.

If so, why the lengthy introduction "When you come into the land and
say.."?

Perhaps the Netziv (Rabbi Naphtali Tzvi Yehuda Berlin,1725-1799) in
his commentary Haemek Davar, explains why.  At the same time he
provides an illuminating insight into leadership.

The Netziv insists that the Biblical introduction having the people
expressing their desire for a king for a prerequisite to his
appointment is a signal to the leader that only if the office and its
occupant is in consonance with the will of the majority of the people
will such a leadership be able to be sustained.

Government must be by the consent of the governed, it must be "of the
people, by the people, for the people".

The precise form of government is of secondary or tertiary
importance.  What is significant is that whatever form it takes, and
whoever presides at its helm, must reflect the will and desire of the
people.

Hence, the Talmud rules that "a king who wishes to relinquish the
honor due him is not permitted to do so - because the source of his
honor is not his own persona but is rather the nation itself", i.e.,
those who chose him as their ruler.

Whomever the people choose automatically becomes the choice of G-d.

 From this perspective we can readily understand why Maimonides in the
 
twelfth century and Rav Kook in the twentieth century maintain that in
the absence of a Sanhedrin or a prophet, the ruler is to be chosen by
popular election (Mishpat Kohen, 144).

We can similarly appreciate why, when the nation does not defend Moses
against Korach's charges and Moses refers to the people as rebels, the
Almighty decides that the time has come to appoint a new leader,
Joshua, the son of Nun.

Does this mean that the Israeli ruler is to constantly chase the
opinion polls, establishing his policy only after he surmises what the
majority of the people want to hear?  Much the opposite, a particular
spiritual path was included in the 'kingly' package.

"When established on his royal throne, (the king) must write a copy of
this Torah as a scroll...This scroll must always be with him, and he
shall read therein all the days of his life.  He will then learn to be
in awe of G-d his Lord, to keep all the words of this Torah..."
[Deuteronomy 17: 18-19]

The Israelite king was not above the law.  He had to enforce the law.

Indeed, he was G-d's representative in charge of teaching the law:
Every seventh year, after the release of the land and the start of the
sabbatical year, the entire nation (men, women and children) was
commanded to gather (hakhail) and the king would then read from the
Torah.

How blue could the king's blood be if he and I and the entire nation
were commanded to keep the same Torah, one text for all.  Indeed, the
king stood as the messenger of G-d, conveying the Divine teaching:

"It is a positive commandment to assemble all Israelites, men, women,
and children, after the close of every year of the sabbatical when
they go up to make the pilgrimage.  In their hearing, he must read
chapters from the Law which shall keep them diligent in the
commandments and strengthen them in the true religion..."
[Maimonides, Laws of Festival Offerings, Chapter 3. Halacha 1]

The ruler of Israel must be appointed from below and answerable to the
One above.  The ruler's task is not to legislate new laws but is
rather to inspire the nation to accept G-d's law.  Even if the
situation demands new legislation, the laws of the ruler must be in
accord with the ethics and the morality of Torah.

The Torah understands that no despot can ultimately succeed in
establishing policies which are not in accordance with the will of the
people.  Even Moses, the greatest prophet who ever lived, could not
take the Jews into the Promised Land unless they felt they wanted to
take the necessary risk to do so.

Hence, coercing or even legislating Torah rules against the will of
the overwhelming majority of the people is a prescription doomed for
disaster.  The Israelite ruler has an agenda of justice and compassion
which he has received -- together with his nation -- at Sinai 4000
years ago.  His most exalted challenge is to PREPARE and INSPIRE the
nation to re-accept the covenant and commit itself to its fulfillment.

Only a ruler capable of fulfilling this task will lead the Israelite
nation into its ultimate destiny.

Shabbat Shalom from Efrat,

Rabbi Shlomo Riskin

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