Subject: JUICE History: From 1st - 3rd Century - Part #3 Date: Tue, 24 Mar 1998 23:44:39 +0000 To: "Hebraic Heritage Newsgroup"<heb_roots_chr@geocities.com>
Reply-to: history@virtual.co.il From: JUICE Administration <juice@virtual.co.il> To: Contemporary Jewish History <history@virtual.co.il> Subject: JUICE History 3 X-To: history@wzo.org.il ============================================================== World Zionist Organization Jewish University in CyberspacE juice@wzo.org.il birnbaum@wzo.org.il http://www.wzo.org.il ============================================================== Course: Medieval Jewish History Lecture: 3/12 Lecturer: Prof. Howard Adelman Dear Subscribers, As several of you pointed out,the last section of the first lecture was inadvertently deleted. Well, here it is, followed by the third lecture, which starts at - II Jews under the Romans...Sorry for the slip up. It is important to mention this problem, however, because as we hear about these groups in later history we must always keep in mind that the later authors had no clearer picture than we could have, they were not trying to get a clear picture, and that they were drawing selectively from the sources available to them, which are basically limited to the New Testament, Josephus, or rabbinic literature. C. Jewish and Roman Rule in Judea According to Josephus, in 63 BCE Pompey took Judea after conquering the Seluecids. Hyrcanus II, the son of Alexander Yannai, a Hasmonean king of Judea from 102-76 and whose wife Salome Alexandra or Shlomzion Hamalkah ruled after him from 76-66, was recognized by the Romans as the High Priest and Ethnarch, ruler of the Jews, but not as the king. The Jews of Judea now paid an annual tribute to Rome and the size of Judea was reduced. Another significant personality whose offspring would play a major role in future events was Antipater II, Roman governor of Edom (Idumea) and probably a descendent of a family forcibly converted to Judaism by John Hyrcanus I, who had ruled from 135-104. After Julius Caesar defeated Pompey, Antipater was appointed regent of Judea. Antipater's sons Phasael and Herod enjoyed rule in Jerusalem and the Galilee respectively. When Herod fled to Rome to garner support there, the Senate, on the advice of Octavian, the adopted son of Caesar, better known as Augustus, and Mark Antony, also part of the ruling Triumvirate, arranged for him to be king of Judea. In 39 BCE Herod returned and in 37 reconquered Judea. From 37-4 he reigned as a client king of the Romans. Herod had married Miriamme, granddaughter of Hyrcanus II and thus he become linked with the Hasmonean dynasty. He expanded the territory of Judea, protected the Jews abroad, built major projects such as those in Caesarea and Massada, and enlarged the Temple in Jerusalem. He also placed a golden eagle on it, supported Hellenistic games and temples. Under Herod, and indeed in opposition to him, the Pharisees became a major force among the Jews, Judaism was treated by Rome as a licit religion, the Jews were exempt from emperor worship and they actively sought proselytes, attracting many pagans to Judaism, or at least making them into semi-proselytes or God-fearers. When Herod died in 4 BCE, the territory was divided among his sons. He had designated Archelaus as King of Judea and Samaria, but before Archelaus could be confirmed by Augustus, emperor from 27 BCE to 14 CE, popular uprisings broke out because of the taxes Herod had placed on the people, the eagle he placed on the Temple, and the execution of some Jews who had tried to remove the eagle from the Temple. Popular demands escalated and Archelaus responded with force, killing almost 3,000 Jews. Typical of the infighting among the Jews, when Archeleus arrived in Rome, several other delegations from Judea were there as well. One group of Jews wanted the abolition of the Herodian dynasty and the joining of Judea and Samaria to the Roman province of Syria. Another delegation of Roman Jews supported this request. Yet another Jewish delegation from the Greek cities also was there to support this request. One group from Herod's family wanted the kingdom divided evenly among all Herod's sons or the confirmation of Antipas as ruler. The Roman governor of Syria put down the rebellion of the Jews and tried to meet many of these requests. Archeleus was previously appointed ethnarch and his brothers tetrachs. Archeleus was cruel in suppressing Jewish revolt with the hope that he would be confirmed as King by the Romans, and subsequent complaints against him by the Jews caused the emperor to remove him from power and exile him in the year 6. Judea was annexed to Syria and placed under the authority of a Roman procurator responsible to the governor of Syria. >From 6 to 26 there were few uprisings in Judea. The Romans showed respect for the Jews and the Jews showed respect for Rome. In 26, under the emperor Tiberius, 14-37 CE, Pontius Pilate was made Procurator and he tried to impose pagan symbols and to expropriate Jewish property. He was very violent in crushing Jewish protests. It was during Pilate's bloody and repressive administration that Jesus was crucified. Although the New Testament tries to depict Pilate as innocent and to blame the Jews for conspiring in this matter, it states that the trial and execution were conducted by the Romans. Pilate was recalled by the emperor Tiberius in 36. The next emperor, Caius Caligula, ruled from 37-41. Things started out well with his release of Agrippa I, a grandson of Herod, from jail and his appointment as ruler over parts of Judea, which were removed from the authority of the procurator. Tensions between the Jews and the Romans increased because of the repressiveness of Flaccus the Roman governor and because of Caligula's insistence that he himself be worshipped as a god. Only his assassination prevented the situation from deteriorating further. Under Claudius, emperor from 41-54, Agrippa I was made King of Judea in 41. He was popular among the Jews and there are traces of his legacy reported later in the Mishnah (Bik. 3:4 and Sotah 7:8). He died suddenly in 44, possibly poisoned by the Romans. Upon Agrippa I's death, anarchy broke out in Judea. A succession of procurators ruled. The extremist Jewish sicarii, dagger wielders, assassinated pro-Roman Jews. Agrippa II, the son of Agrippa I, who was young at the time of his father's death, was appointed king over a limited amount of territory with the right to supervise the Temple and to appoint the high priest. It was during this time, around 49 or 50, that Paul, previously called Saul, set out on his first mission as a Christian. Paul was finally brought to Rome and executed there in about 65. Because, according to Josephus (Ant. 20:197-204) and Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 3:23:21-24), shortly before the uprising against Rome, in either 62 or 66, the Jewish authorities killed James of Jerusalem, Jesus' brother and leader of the Jewish-Christians. In a controversial passage considered by many to have been a later interpolation but considered by some to be authentic, Josephus also mentions in passing the career of Jesus. D. The Jewish Revolt against Rome In a Jerusalem divided in its attitude to Rome, Agrippa II, in a speech typical of Hellenistic historiography and reflecting the views of Josephus, pointing out how Rome had subdued the rest of the world, tried to convince the Jews not to rebel against Rome. The Jewish heads of the Temple intentionally and provocatively stopped offering sacrifices in tribute to Rome. Thus, in 66, while Nero was emperor (54-68), war broke out between the Jews and the Romans. In October of 66 the Romans set siege to the Temple, but then retreated to the seacoast where they were attacked by the Jews. Agrippa II fought with the Roman forces, led after 67 by Vespasian who, appointed by Nero, gathered an army in the north and began to crush resistance. During the winter of 67-68 Jewish extremists, Zealots, took over the rule of Jerusalem. In June of 68 Nero committed suicide and a succession of generals tried to be emperor. In July of 69 Vespasian became emperor. In April of 70 Vespasian's son and successor as Roman general, Titus, set up a siege of Jerusalem. On August 6 (17 Tammuz) the regular Temple sacrifices offered by the Jews to God ended. Beginning on August 13 (22-28 Tammuz) the Porticoes around the Temple were burned. On August 28 (9 Av) the Temple was burned. Until September resistance continued until all of Jerusalem was razed, except for Herod's palace. In Rome the victory was celebrated with the erection of the Arch of Titus which depicts the Temple vessels and Jews brought to Rome in a triumphal march. Art historians still debate whether the depictions on the Arch, which is still standing today, are accurate or not. The some Jews, identified by Josephus as Zealots, continued to hold out on the top of Massada, a mountain fortress built by Herod near the Dead Sea. The Roman siege of Massada, described by Josephus, and the remains of which are still visible today, lasted until 73 with a collective self-immolation by the Jews on the mountain top. II. Jews under the Romans from the Second till the Seventh Centuries This lecture will provide a review of some of the basic structural features of the transition period for the Jews who went from enjoying a level of political and religious independence under the Romans to developing new institutions and attitudes to survive and flourish under Roman and Christian sovereignty. The key theme that will appear at each juncture is the fact that Jews and Judaism were highly attractive to the other peoples of the empire. The legislation that was enacted on a regular basis against Judaism, especially Jews holding any sort of authority or power over other people, was necessitated in the mind of its sponsors precisely because of the attractiveness of Jews and Judaism. This interpretation, which I believe consistently, or as consistent as a phenomenon can be in history, explains the legislation of the period and provides an alternative explanation to the customary lachrymose image of the suffering and segregated Jew. Had the legislation reflected a denigrated position of the Jews, there would have been no need for laws against conversion to Judaism, intermarriage with Jews, or Jewish ownership of slaves. This legislation thus represents a mirror image of the social reality that existed and shows that the legislation involved power relationships between Jews and Christians. Ultimately these relationships on the ground had a great deal of symbolic value in the eyes of the adherents of both religions. Christians eventually had to resort to force to produce what they could not achieve through persuasion. This increasing hostility, however, grew out of positive relations and meaningful interactions between Jews and Christians at all levels. We will see, therefore, that initially there was little intrinsic enmity between Jews and Christians, Judaism and Christianity; it was often difficult to tell the difference. Anti-Jewish legislation emerged from a defensiveness on the part of the early church, not a sense of triumphalism. At the early stage the church leaders were concerned, as were Jewish leaders, with the blurring of boundaries between themselves and others, especially in matters of sexuality. In fact, we shall see throughout our discussions that the critical Christian legislation that defined relations with Jews was often equally or even more concerned with matters of self-definition among Christians which often included a significant discussion of sexuality among Christians. A. War of Quietus >From 98-117, during the reign of the emperor Trajan tensions between Rome and the Jews of Palestine and Mesopotamia increased. In 117 there was a war with Rome which received some attention in the Mishnah (Sota 9:14) as "the War (Polemos) of Quietus." After subduing Jews in Mesopotamia, the general Quietus was sent to be in charge of Judea in 117. There he also put down a revolt of the Jews against the Romans, perhaps, according to the church historian Eusebius, connected to revolts in Egypt and Cyrenaica in northern Africa and in Cyprus [Historia Ecclesiastica 4:2]. B. Bar Kokhba and Hadrian In 132 CE the Jews of the land of Israel, led by Simon Bar Kosiba, called Bar Kokhba (cf. Numbers 24:17), the Aramaic for "son of a star," revolted against the Romans, led by the emperor Hadrian, the successor to Trajan 117-138, culminating in an independent kingdom from 132-135. The causes of the revolt are not clear, in particular whether Hadrian's treatment of the Jews, a ban on castration that they understood to include circumcision, plans to rebuild Jerusalem as a pagan city, and the banning of all Jews from entering Jerusalem, was the cause of the revolt or the result of it and whether they were enacted at the beginning, possibly during the 120s, or the end of the revolt, after 135. Sources of information on the revolt include historical artifacts from around the Dead Sea, letters of Bar Kokhba, discovered at Wadi Murabbaat, 11 miles southwest of Kumran, coins, and stray references in the writings of church fathers such as Eusebius, Dio Cassius, Spartianus, Chronicon Paschale, and Hieronymus, as well as in rabbinic literature. The coins are dated from the first and second years of "Freedom of Israel"; and the letters, the third and fourth years. In one of the letters Bar Kokhba was addressed as "the Nasi of Israel," the prince--or patriarch--of Israel. In part the revolt could have been fueled by a crises of rising expectations on the part of the Jews of the land of Israel. Hadrian started off on good terms with them. He executed Quietus in 117 and may have considered rebuilding the Temple in Jerusalem until, according to the Midrash (Genesis Rabbah 64.10), the Samaritans, a Jewish sectarian group, intervened. The Sibylline Oracles, part of the intertestamental literature, expressed Jewish hopes at the start of his reign (5:46-50). Hadrian made a series of visits to Palestine in 129-132, reported in rabbinic literature and on coins. These visits could have been friendly. Or they could have been hostile, particularly if he arrived after the start of the revolt. The warm stories in rabbinic literature of Hadrian chatting with Jewish farmers in Palestine and the reports of his plans to rebuilt the Temple led the Jews to hope for more than he would deliver. The course of the war is also not known. Bar Kokhba appears as a demanding and stern leader with absolute control over his troops and the land, for which people paid him rent. Many of the leading rabbis of Palestine, including Rabbi Akiva, one of the major rabbinic authorities of the Mishnah, as well as Jews from abroad, played a role. The revolt was accompanied by a major messianic fervor among the Jews with Rabbi Akiva hailing Bar Kokhba, "You are the King, the Messiah" (Talmud of the Land of Israel, Taanit 4:6). The coins adopted the same motifs as those utilized during the Hasmonean kingdom established by the Maccabees: Lulav and Etrog, the palm branch and citrus fruit, a palm branch with a date cluster, a vine, and a jug of oil. Bar Kokhba used depictions of the Temple, gates, harps, and trumpets, reflecting hopes for a reestablishment of the Temple cult. The slogans on the coins included many from the Hasmoneans and the Zealots: "Jerusalem," "For Freedom of Jerusalem," the Redemption of Israel," and "the Freedom of Israel," mostly using the word "Herut," meaning freedom. According to Dio Cassius, the Jews accumulated weapons and dug underground tunnels--some of which are still extant in places such as Herodium. Bar Kokhba drove out the Romans for a while, and established control at Jerusalem, with at least fifty fortresses, and over almost a thousand villages throughout the country. At Betar, a fortified city about 7 miles from Jerusalem, which was his final stronghold, he was able to hold off the Romans for a long time. His main problem, according to his letters, was getting supplies through. Some Jews, including Akiva, were martyred near Caesaria. The end of the revolt was marked by the fall of Betar, where according to the Midrash 80,000 myriads out of a force of 200,000 were killed, including Bar Kokhba himself. Dio Cassisus gave the number as at least 580,000 casualties. Jewish tradition placed the fall of Betar on the ninth of Av (August), the traditional date also assigned to the destruction of the first and second Temples in Jerusalem, and the burial of the dead on the fifteenth of Av, a date with biblical resonances as well. Jerome, the church father who lived in the land of Israel, confirmed that Betar fell in August. Some survivors of Betar fled to the Judean desert where they were pursued by the Romans, others left the country. When the war was over the southern part of Judea was devastated, including the rabbinic center at Yavneh. Many Jews and Romans--including an entire legion-- were dead. As an indication of the losses of the Romans, Hadrian did not begin his report to the Senate with the customary, "I and my army are well." Much of Judean Jewry was killed or sold into slavery. The center of Palestinian Jewry and rabbinic Judaism moved to the north: Caesaria, Sepphoris, Beth Shaarim, and Usha. Jews were no longer allowed in Jerusalem, with the exception of the Ninth of Av (hence the reason that the Kotel, the Western Wall in Jerusalem, is called the Wailing Wall). Jerusalem was rebuilt as a pagan city, Aelia Capitolina, with a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus and a statue of Hadrian on the Temple mount. Capital punishment was imposed on Jews for Torah study and circumcision, possibly for purposes of limiting conversion to Judaism. Jews fled to Babylonia, despite rabbinic attempts to keep Jews in the land of Israel, including allowing marriages to be dissolved for one spouse to remain. Some Jews defected from Judaism, including Elisha ben Abuyeh, known as Aher, "the other," in rabbinic literature, because of his heretic views, made famous in the novel As a Driven Leaf by Milton Steinberg. Henceforth, after Bar Kokhba's messianic movement, which with the support of many rabbis, had produced such devastation for the Jews, the rabbis tried to limit messianic speculation among the Jews. They began to teach that the messiah would come in 400, 600, or 365 years. "Tipah atzman mahshivei kitzin," "those who calculate the end of days will be destroyed." The end of the revolt brought a relaxation of the tensions between the Romans and the Jews of Palestine. The Romans stopped provoking the Jews and the Jews, with a new pacific spirit, began to accept Rome. Traces of rabbinic comments from this period include praise of Roman public works and the army. Hananiah ben Shimon bar Yohai helped the Romans to catch political terrorists and brigands. "Pray for the welfare of the government," a maxims in the Mishnah's Pirkei Avot, reflected this new attitude towards Roman authority in the land of Israel. The Bar Kokhba revolt marked a turning point, if not a break, in the relations between Jews and Christians. The acceptance of the messianism of Bar Kokhba constituted a rejection of Jesus. According to Eusebius (Hist. Ecc. 4.8.4; 4.6.4; and 5.12.1) Bar Kokhba recognized that the Judeo-Christians did not support him. After the war subsequent Christian bishops of Jerusalem were gentile Christians and not of Jewish origin. C. The Severan Dynasty Despite the devastation, better treatment by the Romans, and periods of prosperity and development, the Jews of the land of Israel continued to revolt against the Romans for several centuries. Antoninus Pius, emperor from 138-161, abolished many of Hadrian's decrees against the Jews, except those against conversion to Judaism and Jews entering Jerusalem. Because of the devastation at Yavneh, the Sanhedrin, the main deliberative body of the rabbis, moved north to Usha, near present day Haifa. The Patriarch of the Jews of the land of Israel, Shimon ben Gamaliel II, claimed descent from David, still maintaining continuity in Jewish sovereignty. Commodus, emperor from 180-192, endured further outbursts of rebellion by the Jews of Palestine. When he was assassinated the Jews sided with Niger, the governor of Syria, who lost to Severus Septimus. Because the Senate declared a triumphant for a victory over Judea--the only evidence of some sort of battle--there must have been further military skirmishes between the Jews and the Romans. Severus Septimus, who ruled from 193-211, saw a period of good relations between Rome and the Jews of the land of Israel. Perhaps feeling threatened from both the power and influence of Christianity and Judaism, he passed some laws against Christianity and continued prohibitions against conversion to Judaism. Nevertheless, during this period, the Jews built impressive stone synagogues were built in the Galilee. Carcalla, the son of Septimus, ruled from 211-217, declaring in 212 that all free inhabitants of the Roman empire were citizens, subject to holding the curial office, the Decurionen, a tax collecting position, because many Romans did not want to assume since the burdens of these offices made the office holder personally liable for uncollected taxes. In 235 the Severan dynasty ended with the death of Severus Alexander and an interregnum began. For fifty years there was tumult, political and economic decline, wars with Persia, inflation, succession problems with the armies. Many Jews left the land of Israel. >From 284-305 Diocletian ruled as a dictator, with great pomp and ceremony, restoring order and stability, making peace with Persia in 288, and instituting political repression. He also was hostile to Christianity, often forcing Christians to convert and to make libations to the pagan deities. He recognized the authority of the Patriarch of the Jews, but he did try to force Jews to marry according to Christian rules of consanguinity, forbidding marriages between uncles and sororal nieces. As late as 351, based on some small shreds of evidence in rabbinic and patristic literature, there may have been a rebellion by the Jews against the Romans in Sepphoris---Diocaesarea. The first reports of attacks against synagogues date from 355 in northern Italy and northern Africa. But it is unclear whether these represent attacks on Jews or against Christians who may have been frequenting the synagogues. In short, during the final centuries of pagan Roman rule in the land of Israel, the Jews continued to exercise physical and spiritual power in the region. The Roman emperors dealt with them in a variety of way, but they were clearly a force to be reckoned with. D. Judaism and Early Christianity in the Roman Empire Until the year 313, Judaism and Christianity competed with each other on fairly even terms in a struggle between conflicting religious interpretations of the same tradition. Rome recognized Judaism, and not Christianity, as a licit religion. Thus each group claimed to be the true Israel, not only for theological reasons but also to be legitimate in the eyes of Rome. The battle between Judaism and Christianity at this time was a battle of midrash, a conflict over biblical interpretation, in which each tried to show that it was the true heir to the promises made by God to Israel and that it was the other who was the heir to the curses that God heaped upon ancient Israel as described in the Prophets. So it is important to realize that while as a religion Judaism opposed Christianity as much as Christianity opposed Judaism, at the same time there were many positive relations between individual Jews and Christians. In fact, it will be seen that the positive relations between the people and the rivalry between the two groups for converts that may have been the cause of heightened theological hostility, rather than simply the ascendancy of Christianity, which, according to many conventional scholars, was intrinsically opposed to Judaism. Patristic writers, such as Eusebius, the bishop of Caesarea (d. 340), show the final developments of Christianity in the pagan world. He wrote two works in around 311, the time of Roman Emperor Constantine's toleration of Christianity. In Preparatio evangelica and Demonstratio evangelica, Eusebius argued for the superiority of Christianity over all religions, particularly Judaism. He asserted that the patriarchs and Moses had been Christians, trying to deprive Judaism of its ancient literature, heroes, sages, hope, ritual, prayers, and divine promise. They tried to read the entire Bible for their own Christian message. Some of the key passages included, "the elder serving the younger," (Gen. 25:23) "the scepter shall not depart from Judah until Shiloh comes," (Gen. 49:10) "a virgin shall conceive and give birth," (Isaiah 7:14) "the suffering servant," (Isaiah 53) "the new covenant," (Jeremiah 31). The Christians tried to show that Jesus was related to David, his coming was predicted by the Prophets, and that the blessings of the Old Testament applied to the Christians and the curses to the Jews. Additionally, the Christians tried to eliminate many aspects of Christianity that were seen as Jewish: synagogue worship, the sabbath, holidays, dietary laws, circumcision, and legal practices other than the basic principles of the Ten Commandments. The Jews in rabbinic literature, such as the midrash and even the prayerbook (with the birkat haminim, "sectarians blessing," designed to remove sectarians, perhaps Christians, from participating in the service), began to pursue a polemic against Christianity, an aspect of early Judaism not widely recognized today, although it was central to relations throughout the middle ages. The rabbis tried to show that the Patriarchs were good rabbinic Jews, that Moses, Moshe Rabbenu, was a rabbi. They stopped the public reading in the synagogue on a daily basis of the Ten Commandments and asserted the equality of all the Torah, all 613 commandments according to their reckoning (Talmud of the Land of Israel, Berakhot 1:5, 1:8 (3c); Babylonian Talmud Berakot 12a; Tamid 5:1). Abraham's attempt to sacrifice Isaac, the Binding of Isaac or the Akeddah in Genesis 22, read on the Jewish New Year, Rosh Hashanah, was presented as competing with the Passion of Christ. Midrash and piyyut, Hebrew poetry, tried to show that Abraham actually sacrificed his only begotten son, whose death served as atonement for the Jews and that Isaac was later resurrected (see Bereshit Rabbah 56 and Psalms Rabbah 29). Jews argued that prophecy had ceased well before the period in which Jesus would live and that, contrary to the Christian reading of Genesis 49:10, the scepter had never departed from Judah. Rabbinic literature also explicitly attacked the Gospels, calling them "aven gilayon," a Hebrew pun that refers to the evangels as "revealed sin." It was be suggested that they can be burned despite the fact that they contain the divine name. Jews were cautioned that it is better to die than to hide in a church. By the second or third centuries, although it was never officially edited or canonized, Jews began to circulate a bawdy version of the New Testament in Hebrew, Toledot Yeshu, "the Generations of Jesus," which described him as the illegitimate son of a menstruating whore given to blasphemy and magic. Any miracles associated with his resurrection were attributed to his disciples having stolen his body. There even seems to be a degree of defiant pride in narrating the involvement of the elders of Jerusalem in administering to Jesus the many traditional forms of rabbinic execution including, flogging, stoning, and hanging, although they could not find a tree that would receive him. It should be pointed out that a reconstruction of the earliest strata of Jewish attitudes towards Jesus and Christianity presents methodological difficulties for the following reasons: 1. Many of the traditions, although sometimes associated with earlier rabbis, are found in much later texts from more distant lands. The Talmud originated in fifth century Palestine and sixth century Babylonia. The midrash was edited and reedited from the second to the twelfth centuries and not published until many centuries later. 2. Many of the most anti-Christian teachings were edited out of Jewish texts either by Christian censors who might even consign entire works to the flames or by Jewish censors who tried to prevent the burning of Jewish books by removing passages that might offend. 3. Later reciprocal attitudes make it very difficult to see the different ways in which Jews and Christians once may have related to each other. Jews have not always been the passive victims of Christian power. Christians have not always attacked Jews without provocation. Jews have been feisty polemicists and Christians have had to legitimize their religion. Attacks on Judaism may have been due to its strength, authority, power, and influence, not its weakness. For Further Reading A. Linder, The Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation M. Simon, Verus Israel **********************************************************************