Subject: JUICE History 6 - Medieval History Date: Tue, 21 Apr 1998 23:43:42 +0000 To: "Hebraic Heritage Newsgroup"<heb_roots_chr@geocities.com>
Reply-to: history@virtual.co.il From: JUICE Administration <juice@virtual.co.il> To: Contemporary Jewish History <history@virtual.co.il> Subject: JUICE History 6 X-To: history@wzo.org.il
============================================================== World Zionist Organization Jewish University in CyberspacE juice@wzo.org.il birnbaum@wzo.org.il http://www.wzo.org.il ============================================================== Course: Medieval Jewish History Lecture: 6/12 Lecturer: Prof. Howard Adelman
The history of the Jews under the early Muslims, like their history at the time of early Christianity, shows that the Jews were a powerful and feared people. They constituted a significant military and spiritual presence on the Arabian Peninsula and the early Muslims had to take this into consideration in the quest for domination. In other words anti-Jewish policies and activities reflected Jewish strength and not Jewish weakness.
A. Muhammed and the Jews Muhammed was born in around the year 570 in the Arabian city of Mecca, a major commercial and religious center, home of international markets and pilgrimages to the pagan Kaba shrine. Working in commerce and traveling with caravans to Syria, at around the age of forty, in about 610, Muhammed had a series of religious experiences and consequently he began to preach about One God, the Last Judgment, alms, prayers, and surrender to the will of God, statements which were recorded in the Koran. In Mecca he and his followers were not well received and after ten years he made arrangements to go to Medina, also called Yathrib, two hundred miles to the north. According to some accounts, and crucial for our story, he was invited to Medina by local Arab tribes to intervene between rival tribes out of the fear that local Jewish tribes would take advantage of this internecine Arab warfare. Therefore, in July 622, Muhammed went to Medina, a trip now called the Hijra. There, for eight years, he and his followers won many adherents to Islam and went on to engage in extensive tribal warfare which included battles with the Meccans and the destruction of several Jewish tribes. In 630 he made a triumphant return to Mecca where the Kaba was purified of pagan use and became the central shrine for Islam. Two years later Muhammed died. After a brief period of instability the Muslims launched a campaign of world conquest.
B. Judaism and Islam
In 1832 at the University of Bonn the Philosophical Faculty held an essay contest on the subject, "An inquiry into those sources of the Koran or Mohammedan laws which are to be traced back to Judaism." The winner of the contest was Abraham Geiger, a twenty-two year old recently ordained rabbi and graduate student in Semitics, who would go on to gain fame for his scholarship and for his leadership in the German Reform movement. His prize essay, "What Muhammed Borrowed from Judaism," written in Latin, published in German, accepted as his doctoral dissertation, and, subsequently translated into English (first by Christian missionaries to Muslims in India) is considered a classic work of scholarship, although his conclusions were not widely accepted. The minuscule philological evidence that Geiger offered hardly makes his case that Muhammed was influenced by Judaism. The koranic use of terms such as "tevut" for "ark" when speaking about the biblical ark of Moses (tevah or tevat) and "jahannam" for hell, a term also found in the New Testament, hardly show Jewish influence. The use of the word "ahbar" for teacher similarly does not show the influence of the Hebrew word "haver." "Taghut" for "idolatry" in the Koran probably was not influenced by the Hebrew term "ta-ut," especially since Geiger himself admitted that this Hebrew word was never used in this manner in rabbinic literature. Moreover, many of the ideas cited by Geiger-- divine presence, divine unity, bliss in the hereafter, the end of the world, and the coming of the Messiah-- were the birthright of the religious experience of many peoples, including Christians, who were also present in the middle east. Geiger himself conceded this possibility in his preface.
Subsequent western scholars have continued to discuss other possible sources of influence on Muhammed. Charles C. Torrey, an American Bible scholar and author of The Jewish Foundations of Islam, continued Geiger's position in favor of Jewish influence. He tried to argue that Muhammed was influenced by Jews in Mecca who then left the place without leaving any historical traces, a dubious contention as far as historical methodology goes. Julius Wellhausen, a major nineteenth century biblical critic and Semitics scholar, asserted that "The dough of Islam may have been Jewish, but the yeast was Christian." Tor Andrae, a German scholar whose classic work on Mohummed was translated as Mohammed the Man and His Faith, argued that Muhammed was influenced by Christian monastics whom he met on his travels to Syria. Despite these long held assertions, Jesus and Christianity, however, do not play a major, an early, nor a direct role in the development of Islamic thought as seen in the Koran. S. D. Goitein, a significant scholar of the Jews under Islam, argued in his Jews and Arabs (as well as in some Hebrew articles) for the influence on Muhammed by some sort of a Jewish sectarian group in Medina. Despite Goitein's excellent archival scholarship in other matters, which we shall be discussing, shortly, his views on this subject seem highly conjectural.
The main problem, however, is that to suggest that Muhammed was influenced by Judaism, even if in a small way, doesn't really explain anything about Judaism or Islam at this time, except the fact that these vague, inchoate hints of Judaism may have constituted the extent of knowledge about Judaism in sixth century Arabia, including on the part of the local Jews.
There is not a shred of convincing evidence that Muhammed had any direct access to any substantive exposure to any sixth century Jewish texts or teachers. Even Geiger himself stated that Muhammed had no such direct access and relied on garbled oral reports from contemporary Jews who were not well informed about their own religion.
It is also important to bear in mind that just as any common origins between Christianity and Judaism made subsequent rivalries more pronounced, so too for traditional Muslims all these discussions about sources of influence would be irrelevant and irreverent because to them Muhammed was an original prophet of God, inspired and not influenced. And even if influence could be demonstrated, as Tor Andrae wrote in his introduction, "Relatives understand each other least of all."
Some examples of koranic teachings about Jews should make these points. In listing the prophets of the Bible, in an order that does not follow the text, the Koran includes Jesus after the Patriarchs: Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Jesus, Job, Jonah, Aaron, Solomon, David. Elsewhere the Koran lists: David, Solomon, Job, Joseph, Moses, Aaron, Zecharias, John, Jesus, Elijah, Ishmael, Elisha, Jonah, and Lot (IV: 161 and VI 84ff).
A statement that accused the Jews of killing the prophets: ". . . they disbelieved in Allah's revelations and slew the prophets wrongfully" (2:61) shows strong New Testament influence. In one statement there are found puns between the Hebrew of the Bible and Arabic: "Some of the Jews pervert words from the meanings, and say, 'We hear and we disobey,' and 'Hear without hearing," . . ." (4:44;46) but there is no post-biblical rabbinic influence found here.
In one place in the Koran the are associated with the belief that Ezra was the son of God: "The Jews say, "Ezra is the son of Allah," and the Christians say, "The Messiah is the son of Allah. . . Allah attack them? How perverse they are?" (9:30) The source for this notion remains a mystery.
Hostility toward the Jews seems to reflect Jewish hostility to Muhammed. "The Jews say, "Allah's hands are fettered." Their hands are fettered, and they are cursed for what they said. . . " (9:31)
C. Muhammed's Attacks on Jewish Tribes
Despite limited evidence of rabbinic Judaism in the area, the Islamic texts identified some Jews who converted to Islam in Medina as rabbis and scholars who saw in Muhammed the figure they had been expecting, presumably the Messiah. These converts brought with them the other members of their families, especially the women, and turned against the Jews, including some who had once opposed Islam. (Norman Stillman, The Jew of Arab Lands p. 113, 121, 120)
In Medina, other Jews, designated in the Muslim texts as rabbis, displayed open hostility to Muhammed, according to these texts, for reasons of jealousy, envy, and malice. Some rabbis questioned Muhammed and harassing him, especially with difficult questions. One Jew in particular was mentioned for rendering Muhammed impotent (Stillman 119-120). Although Jews were said to have resented God's favor being shown to an Arab, some Jews made alliances with the leading Arab tribes of the Aws and the Khazraj.
In the Constitution of Medina, which purports to be an agreement between some Jewish and Islamic tribes, Muhammed explicitly stated that "Any Jew who follows us shall have aid and comfort." It is not clear if he required the Jew's conversion or only his loyalty, especially since later on he said that "the Jews of the Banu Awf are a community with the Believers. The Jews have their religion, and the Muslims have theirs." This statement seems more like a recognition of political alliances between Jews and Muslims rather than a call for their conversion. The Constitution of Medina mentioned the Jews of the Najjar, Harith, Thalaba, and several other Jewish tribes but not the three major Jewish tribes of Medina, the Nadir, Qurayza, and Qaynuqa, some of whose members were reported as having harassed Muhammed.
Muhammed then marched against three Jewish tribes, the Nadir, Qurayza, and Qaynuqa, the same three tribes not mentioned in the Constitution of Medina, perhaps because of their alliances with the major Arab tribes not aligned with Muhammed.
Muhammed went into the market place of the Jewish tribe of the Qaynuqa and addressed them: "O Jews, beware lest Allah bring down upon you vengeance like that which has descended upon the Quraysh. [A pagan tribe that he had created alliances against.] Accept Islam, you know that I am a prophet who has been sent. You will find that in your scriptures and Allah's covenant with you."
To this the Jews replied: "O Muhammed, you seem to think that we are your people. Do not delude yourself because you have till now encountered people with no knowledge of war and thus have gained the advantage over them. By Allah, if we should go to war with you, you will surely learn that we are men!"
The testosterone was flowing and it seems that the reason for the conflict was out of a desire to have the Jews convert to Islam and because this Jewish tribe had joined other tribes in battle against Muhammed, subsequent commentators, however, suggested other reasons. One reported Jewish sexual harassment of a Muslim woman in the marketplace. When she refused to remove the veil from her face they secretly tied up her clothing so that when she began to walk away her private parts were exposed. A brawl then broke out between Muslims and Jews and the Jews ended up killing a Muslim (Stillman 122).
In 625 Muhammed attacked the Nadir tribe. Muhammed approached them and asked for their help executing vengeance. The Muslim source has the Jews then conferring and discussing plots to kill Muhammed. One Jew warned against such a plotting against the Muslims because: " . . .there will continue to be a remnant of this religion until the Day of Resurrection. The Jews will be exterminated, and his religion will triumph." Muhammed found out about their plot through a divine revelation. The Nadir were given ten days to leave the city. Other tribes, except the Jewish Qurayzu, urged them to stay and to join the fight against the Muslims. The Muslims besieged them and began to cut down their date trees. To save their lives and their property, some Jews converted. Finally they surrendered and left, destroying much of their property and taking with them timbers and the lintels of their doors, beating on tambourines and playing pipes, and eventually joining other Jewish tribes such as the Qurayzu (Stillman 129-136)..
In 627 Muhammed attacked the Jewish tribe of the Banu Qurayza. The Arabic account describes the fortifications of the Jews, their mockery of the Prophet, and the option given to them to convert in order to save their lives and property. A new twist in this story involves the fascinating call made by some of the Jewish warriors to kill their wives and children and then to fight Muhammed. Such a strategy, they are given to say, would diminish the impediments that they would leave behind and put their fate entirely in God's hands: "If we perish, we perish. At least we shall not have left behind us any offspring to worry about. If we should triumph, then by my life, we can certainly find other wives and children." Such a proposal was overruled: "Should we kill these poor things! What good would life be after that?" An alternate plan suggested attacking Muhammed on the Sabbath, which Muhammed would not suspect from the Jews, a statement that shows Muslim or Jewish ignorance of a tradition of Jews defending themselves on the Sabbath that went back to the Maccabees. Some Jews, loyal to the Sabbath, vetoed this plan too. Eventually the Jews surrendered and were systematically slaughtered. Muhammed ordered trenches dug in the marketplace of Medina and then in small groups the Jewish were decapitated. The total executed reached somewhere between 600 and 900 men and, according to the story, one woman. One Muslim commentator on the story gave the reason for her execution; she had killed a man with a millstone, perhaps a reference to a similar biblical story. When the killing was over Muhammed chose a Jewish woman for himself, Rayhuna b. Amr b. Khunafa. The story says that because she refused to convert to Islam she stayed with as his chattel until she died.
The next year, 628, Muhammed beseiged Khaybar, a Jewish oasis where survivors from the Nadir had also settled. He invited the leaders to Medina for talks. On their way there they were ambushed and massacred, to which Muhammed commented: "War is deception." After the Jews of Khaybar surrendered to Muhammed, one Jewish woman, Zaynab b. al-Harith, presented Muhammed with a joint of lamb, his favorite food, which she had poisoned. He detected the poison and asked her why she did it. "You know very well what you have brought upon my people. I thought to myself, if this man is only a king I shall be rid of him, and if he is a prophet, he will be informed." Muhammed let her go free, but later Islamic tradition depicted Muhammed as a martyr in the hands of a Jewish woman (Stillman 148-149).
The terms of the settlement that the Jews of Khaybar reached with Muhammed are significant for the future history of the Jews under Islam. They agreed to pay him as a tribute one half of their date harvest. In 630 the poll tax, known as the jizya, was imposed on Jews and Christians. It consisted of an annual payment, legitimized in the Koran, Sura 9:29: "Fight against those to whom the Scriptures were given, who believe not in Allah nor in the Last Day, who forbid not what Allah and His apostle have forbidden, and follow not the truth, until they pay the tribute out of hand, and are humbled." Later a land tax, kharaj, would be added. Thus early on Islamic countries recognized the basic right of Jewish residency, in exchange for the payment of fees, often symbolic of their religious submission.
D. Jews during the Islam Conquests
In 632 Muhammed died and a brief period of instability among the Muslims set in. Within the year, however, Islamic hegemony was reestablished under the Caliphate, from the Arabic word "halaf," meaning the successor, i. e. of Muhammed. Under the Caliphs Abu Bakr (632-634), Omar (634-644), and Uthman of the Umayyid family of Mecca (644-656), a period of great conquests began in the middle east against the Byzantine and Sassanian empires, including Syria and Palestine in 634-640, Persia by 642, Egypt in 642, Babylonia in 642, and also westward across North Africa and into Spain in 711. The Muslims conquered much of the world and unified almost all of the Jews of the world who had been living divided between Babylonia and Byzantium. Many of the Jews living on the Arabian peninsular left for Syria, but those in Yemen in the south-west of the peninsular, however, stayed. Among the Jews, one immediate religious result of the cataclysmic encounter between world empires was a rise in apocalyptic hope, visions of the end of days in which historians now think that they can see references to contemporary events.
The general view among historians is that most Jews, despite early suffering under Muhammed, cooperated with the Muslim conquests of Palestine, Syria, and Spain, though the view has been raised that the extent of Jewish cooperation with the conquering Muslims may have been exaggerated by later detractors who wanted to show Jewish lack of loyalty. Some Jews, however, were suspicious, especially after they were betrayed by the Persians with whom they had sided in Palestine in 614 and again by the Byzantines when they returned. Nevertheless, Norman Roth, a historian of this period, has adduced much evidence from many chronicles that the Jews did support the conquerors. One chronicle explains how the Jews betrayed Hebron to the Muslims in exchange for permission to build a synagogue in front of the burial cave of the patriarchs and matriarchs, the cave of the Makhpelah (Stillman p. 152). Similarly in Spain, there are texts that indicate that the Muslims appointed Jews to garrison Cordova, Granada, and Elvira, ironically the first city in Spain and in all of Europe where, as noted earlier, around 300 the Christians passed the first legislation trying to limit Jewish influence (Stillman p. 156).
Historians base a reconstruction of the position of the Jews under Islam on a document known as the Pact of Umar. Umar b. al-Khattab, the second Calif, and successor to Muhammed, and leader of the Muslims from 634-44, supposedly imposed this on the Christian Patriarch of Jerusalem, although it may be a later document from the time of Umar b. Abd al-Aziz in 717, if not even later, and only attributed to this early period. It represents a capitulation for dhimmi, short for ahl al-dhimma, protected people, also called ahl al-kitab, people of the book, Jews, Christians, and, later, Zoroastrians. Many of the provisions reflect ideas of symbolic Jewish subjugation found in the Eastern Roman Church at this time. The main theme was that Jews and Christians could live in Muslim countries if they acted in a servile and humble manner. The various provisions established a symbolic system where in public spaces dhimmis demonstrated their low standing. They could not bear arms, ride on saddles, build homes higher than those of Muslims, construct new houses of worship or repair old ones, have public religious processions, hold loud prayers, engage in proselytization, or prevent anybody from converting to Islam. They could not adopt Muslim names, clothing, hairstyles, or names, study the Koran, use an Arabic signet, sell fermented beverages, or work for the government. They also had to offer their seats to Muslims, clip the hair on their foreheads, dress in their own traditional style, provide hospitality for troops, offer military intelligence, but not to house spies. (Marcus, no. 3)
Such rules indicate that dhimmis and Muslims were mingling freely together and that the role of the Muslim religious authorities, like those of the Jews and Christians when they had power, was to accentuate the differences and to enforce boundary definitions between the two peoples. The negative provisions of these capitulations were not always followed and the favorable terms offered the Jews much protection, a practice which continued for many centuries, especially under the Turks during the sixteenth century. Such writs of protection were a major component of Jewish life under Islam until the twentieth century.
These rules also indicate that while a minority was consolidating its control over the majority it needed allies. The Jews were protected because they were needed.
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