Subject: JUICE History 11- Jews in France, England and Spain
Date:    Wed, 10 Jun 1998 00:58:16 +0000
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From:          JUICE Administration <juice@wzo.org.il>
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Subject:       JUICE History 11

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                  World Zionist Organization
                Jewish University in CyberspacE
          juice@wzo.org.il         birnbaum@wzo.org.il 
                     http://www.wzo.org.il 
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Course: Medieval Jewish History
Lecture: 11/12
Lecturer: Prof. Howard Adelman

Medieval Jewish History, 1096-1492, Part II

E. France, 1171-1394

In France, as in the Germanic lands, new developments in popular agitation
against the Jews included the spread of accusations against them, however,
unlike the German Emperors who challenged the authority of the pope, the
kings of France were sympathetic to the wishes of the popes, especially to
their Jewish policy, which further diminished the opportunities for the Jews
for long-term success in France.

What has long been considered the first ritual murder accusation on the
European continent took place in 1171 in Blois, south of Paris.  A Jew, R.
Isaac ben R. Elazar of Blois, traveling from the house of a fur trapper,
stopped to water his horse laden with fresh hides by the Loire River.  A
loose hide appeared to a Christian passerby, startling his horse and leading
him to think that the Jew was throwing the body of a Christian into the
river.  Although  no Christian was ever reported missing nor was a body ever
found, the local count, Theobald, who had a Jewish mistress, Polcelina, whom
many resented, subjected  all the Jews to a trial by ordeal.  Accordingly,
while if the Christian witness sank, the Jews were innocent, if he floated,
the Jews were guilty.  As a result, on May 26, the same time of the year of
the massacres during the First Crusade, thirty-one Jews, after refusing to
save their lives by converting to Catholicism, died at the stake while
singing the Alenu prayer. Here, unlike in the Germanic lands, the charge,
the trial, and the collective punishment were perpetrated by the rulers, not
by a mob (Chazan 300-4; Marcus no. 25). After this event, the Jews of France
organized intercommunal contacts to prevent future disasters, but they were
not always successful and ritual murder accusations continued. On the other
hand, showing the kind of protection Jews could receive, that same year,
King Louis VII (1137-1180) rejected accusations of ritual murder and
provided the Jews with protection (Chazan 114-117). In 1180, however,
stating that he had heard reports that Jews ritually killed Christians, King
Philip II Augustus (1180-1223), had the Jews seized in their synagogues and
expropriated their wealth.  He expressed additional concern over Jewish
employment of Christian domestics, backsliding Jewish converts, and Jewish
moneylending, and he canceled debts owed to the Jews in exchange for a 20%
share, thus winning him further popular support (Chazan 287-9).  In 1182,
motivated to a great extent by his wars against the barons, the king decreed
an expulsion of the Jews of central France.  In order not to have to leave,
some Jews converted to Christianity, while others bribed officials (Chazan
310-312; Marcus, no. 5). In 1192, Philip Augustus, back from the Third
Crusade, inspired by reports of Jewish ritual murder, launched an attack on
Champagne and killed eighty members of a Jewish community there (Chazan
304-306). In 1198, however, after Philip conquered additional territories
with Jewish residents, he readmitted all the Jews he had previously
expelled, showing more of a need for Jewish funds than an aversion to Jews.

Continuing his financial exploitation of the Jews and his desire to win
support among the people, in 1206, Philip Augustus acted in accordance with
the papal policy of placing limits on Jewish moneylending by banning them
from charging compound interest during the first year of a loan, thus making
most loans worthless.  During subsequent years, they could only charge 43%
interest on loans, which now had to be recorded. He further limited Jewish
moneylending by suspending the interest paid by pilgrims, banning loans on
ecclesiastical vessels, land, and bloody or recently washed garments, in the
event that the owner had suffered violence. Philip then banned all loans
beyond the first year and made debts to Jews subject to enforcement by royal
authorities (Chazan 205-207, 207-208). In 1219 Philip Augustus forbade the
lending of money to artisans and to clergy without the approval of their
superiors (Chazan 208-210). As a result of these restrictions and excesses
committed by Catholic clergymen which diminished the income the Jews
received, tensions rose between the nobility, such as the Countess Blanche
of Champagne, and the King and the Church.  She protested to the pope
concerning usurpation of the assets of "her" Jews by limits that were placed
on loans to Crusaders.  The pope was responsive and ordered that "her" Jews
not be disturbed, expressions of ownership that show the emergence of the
concept of owning Jews, although the term servi camera was not always used
(Chazan 180-1). In a similar vein, in 1223 Louis VIII and many leading
French nobles agreed that, in addition to limiting their authority in
enforcing debts owed to Jews, no baron could hold the Jews of another,
evidence of the lack of free movement of the Jews. Such legislation was a
disaster for Jews who could neither collect debts nor leave for better
circumstances (Chazan 211-212).  In 1230, Louis IX (1226-1270), joined by
many of the barons, explicitly invoked the concept of servi camera, which
was invoked at this time in the German Empire to protect  the Jews, to limit
Jewish movement, "Wherever anyone shall find his Jew he may legally seize
him as his serf."  The king and barons, who defined usury as the taking of
any interest rather than only excessive interest, now stopped entirely
supporting Jewish enterprises so that no debts owed to Jews were enforced
(Chazan 213-215).  In 1234, Louis IX enhanced efforts to expropriate Jewish
property, presumed to have been acquired through moneylending, to return it
to the people, and his own coffers. Thus, a third of all debts owed to Jews
were forgiven outright. He did not, however, cancel the debts owed by the
Jews, putting them in a difficult financial position (Chazan 283-4).  In
1235, Louis prohibited all Jewish moneylending, indicating that despite
years of efforts it had not stopped yet, and ordered Jews to turn to
commerce or physical labor. He also tried to limit social contact between
Jews and prostitutes, wet nurses, and servants and their attendance in
taverns, indicating concern about the level of social contact between Jews
and Christians of a social and sexual nature (Chazan 215-6).  

As we saw earlier, in 1236, the Crusaders against the Albegensian heretics
in France had turned on the Jews, killing 2500, and thereby requiring the
pope to intervene to protect them. In 1237, Louis wanted to use interest
retrieved from the Jews to underwrite the Albegensian Crusade (Chazan 284-5)
and in the 1230s and 1240s Jews were expelled from some dukedoms, debts owed
to them were canceled, and criminal penalties for killing them were revoked
(Chazan 312-3). 

As mentioned earlier, in 1239 Louis responded sympathetically to Pope
Gregory IX's campaign against the Talmud and in 1242 vast quantities of
Hebrew books were seized and burned in Paris. The Jews continued to suffer
from further  hostage takings, ransomings, confiscations, and bans on
moneylending (Chazan 285-6). In 1269, the apostate Paulo Christiani came to
Paris from Spain to incite against the Jews, inspiring Louis to institute a
Jewish badge, conversionary sermons, and forced disputations for Jews
(Chazan 261-2; Marcus, no. 8). In 1283 Philip III (1270-1285), to prevent
Jews from mixing with Christians, ordered the Jews to wear a badge, not to
build new synagogues or cemeteries, not to live outside large cities, not to
sing in loud voices, and not to employ Christian nurses and servants.  He
also banned the Talmud and other Hebrew books (Chazan 185-8).  As a evidence
of ongoing Christian concern with the social and religious influence of
Jews, accusing the Jews of subverting the faith of Christians and cohabiting
with Christian maidens, in 1289, Count Charles of Anjou and Maine ordered
the seizure, beating, expulsion, and expropriation of Jews, claiming to
place spiritual matters above economic utility (Chazan 313-7).

Despite the apparent congruity of interests shared by religious and secular
leaders in France, in 1293 King Philip IV (1285-1314), at odds with the pope
and the Church, moved against the involvement of the Dominicans and
Franciscans in France as representatives of the pope, including their
pursuit of Jews. Instead, he ordered them to protect the Jews from any loss
of property or person that would adversely affect himself (Chazan 181-2).
When, in 1294, Philip IV reached an agreement with the Church and at war
with Edward I of England, a new edict was issued against the Jews accusing
them of the usual crimes: exercising a decisive religious influence on the
people, including practicing circumcision, blaspheming Christianity in the
Talmud, and building new synagogues.  As a consequence, the Dominicans and
Franciscans were granted permission to use torture to root out heresy and to
be zealous for the Catholic faith (Chazan 187-8).  Repeating this pattern in
1302, at the height of renewed tension between the king of France and Pope
Boniface VIII (1294-1303), who insisted on absolute papal supremacy, Philip
IV issued several measures against the pope, including an embargo and a
demand for his resignation, removed the Jews from the domain of the papal
inquisition, showing that the treatment afforded the Jews was very much a
result of the relationship between different forces (Chazan 183).    

Finally, following the election of a new pope in 1305, Clement V, a
Frenchman who recognized the claims of the French monarchy, canceled the
bulls of Boniface, accepted the independence of the French church
(Gallicanism), and removed the papal seat to Avignon (Babylonian/Avignon
Captivity), in 1306, the symbolic presence of Jews in France was not as
useful to the king as their land and money, especially debts owed to them
that the king could collect, so Philip IV issued a universal expulsion.  

Highlighting an important dynamic in Jewish history, in 1315 the Jews
received a new twelve-year charter that both forbade interest and limited it
to 43 1/3% a year. If the Jews were to be expelled again, they would receive
a year's notice.  For those Jews who had not yet left, this was an
opportunity to remain in their homeland and those who had left could now
return.  For many reasons Jews have returned and continue to return from
countries which have driven them out, a phenomenon that over the years most
of my students have not been able to understand, except those who now live
in Germany.

In a short amount of time, however, persecution shifted from government
exploitation to popular massacre. In 1320, the Pastoureaux, Shepherds,
Crusade, an unauthorized campaign from southern France launched in the
spring, as usual, against the Muslims of Spain, began with massacres and
forced baptisms of Jews in one hundred and twenty communities.  The
Christian officials, including kings, the pope, and nobles attacked the
Pastoureaux and defended the Jews.  Nevertheless, Jews who remained loyal to
Judaism after their conversions were later tried for reverting to Judaism,
"like a dog returning to his vomit" (Chazan 148-50). At this time a new
accusation was leveled against the Jews when they were accused of poisoning
the wells and more Jews were expelled from France. In 1348-1349, during the
period of the Black Plague, massacres and expulsions continued. However, in
1355, after King John the Good (1350-1364) was taken hostage to England, the
Jews were recalled to France to help provide the funds to ransom him and
soon afterwards, in 1361 and 1364, they received new charters.  In 1394,
however, under King Charles VI the Mad (1380-1422) they were again expelled,
this time for the last time for several centuries. Similarly, the Jews were
expelled from Savoy in 1492 and Provence in 1498, after it had joined France
in 1481.  Jews remained still in independent Alsace and Lorraine, Nice, and
in papal Avignon and Comtat Venaissin, again showing that close proximity to
the papacy, especially under its direct rule often benefited Jews.  Many of
the Jews of France migrated south to the Italian peninsula, founding some of
the most important Italian Jewish families.  For centuries many of the Jews
of Italy identified themselves as Tzarfatim, French Jews with their own
identifiable communities, rituals, and traditions.

F. England, 1066-1290

Although the presence of individual Jews cannot be precluded, Jews arrived
in England from Normandy with William the Conqueror and the Normans after
1066.  It is unclear whether these Jews, most of whom were involved in
finance, had received any charters or invitations or whether they arrived in
England as aliens without any rights from the start.  The fortune of the
Jews of England deteriorated very rapidly. Although because at first they
were needed, they received protection, but soon hostility developed, their
assets were expropriated and they were expelled within two centuries.

The Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich by the monk Thomas of
Monmouth in 1173, the account of the alleged ritual murder of William of
Norwich in the year 1144, provides insight into the nature of Christian
discourse about Jews fifty years after the First Crusade. According to
Thomas a former Jew, the monk Theobold, the Jews practiced ritual murder on
Christians because Jewish law required an annual sacrifice of a Christian, a
practice supervised by the Jewish leaders, rabbis and descendants of King
David, who dwelled in Narbonne. The young William, who worked for a Jew
against the wishes of his father, was supposedly tortured and murdered
around Good Friday, a season of great tension between Jews and Christians,
and in his account Thomas of Monmouth spared no detail connecting the boy's
suffering to that experienced by Jesus. When news of the boy's death became
known, the Jews immediately were suspected and the alleged assailant,
Eleazar, was soon killed a knight who owed him much money, raising the
possibility that motives other than religion played some role in the events.
To punish the murderer of Eleazer, the Jews appealed to the king who turned
the matter over to the general council of clergy and barons in London. In
what would not be the last of ritual murder charges in England, roles became
well defined with the local church supporting the charge against the Jews;
the sheriff protecting them; and, although the pope denied the charges of
ritual murder made against the Jews, this did not prevent William, and
others like him, from being made saints by the Catholic Church (Chazan
141-145, 151-157, Marcus, no. 24).

During the twelfth century the Jews of England enjoyed the right to inherit
property and benefited from more rights than Christians whose lives were
very limited by the feudal system.   By the end of the century, however, the
king shifted from borrowing money from the Jews to taxing them heavily.  As
a result, in 1187, during the reign of Henry II (1154-1189), a tallage of
one quarter of their possessions was imposed on the Jews of London.  

On September 3, 1189, at the time of the Third Crusade, at the gala
coronation of Richard the Lionhearted (1189-1199), at which Jews were in
attendance, brought gifts, and mingled with the crowd, public behavior
offensive to some Christians who began to abuse them. Thus the Jews tried to
flee to the palace but the crowd prevented them from doing so.  A rumor then
circulated that the king had commanded the annihilation of the Jews so that
the crowd broke into Jewish residences, plundered and burned them, and
forced some Jews to convert. Although the king sent his forces, they could
not protect the Jews from the mob, and he did not punish any of the
attackers (Chazan 157-160; Marcus, no. 26).  To protect the Jews, in 1190
the king issued them a charter in which they were considered royal property
(Chazan 66-69).  That same year, around Passover time as usual, a ritual
murder accusation was quashed at the court in Winchester (Chazan 146-48) and
riots broke out against the Jews of York. Because Richard was away on the
Third Crusade, he was not able to protect them.  Although they fought back
with stones, about two hundred were killed or took their own lives. As in
previous attacks against the Jews of England, the nobles who wanted to be
free of their creditors burned the records of their debt. To prevent such
occurrences in the future from interfering with the king's revenue, in 1194
keepers of the Jews began to register all Jewish property, a process that
led to the establishment of the Scaccarium Judaerorum, the Exchequer of the
Jews, and other royal officials who supervised Jewish affairs.  

Jews continued to receive protection as royal "property" In 1201 when King
John (1199-1216), issued a charter similar to that issued by Richard in 1190
(Chazan 77-79).  Then in 1203 he issued an order affirming that the Jews of
London were under his special protection which was necessary for the peace
of the kingdom because he ordered it (Chazan 122-3).  In 1210, such
protection led to his capturing and executing some Jews and expropriating
their property. Jews were included in Magna Carta of 1215 only in so far
that it limited their rights to collect from the estates of their debtors.
As mentioned earlier, that same year, the Fourth Lateran Council met under
Innocent III and passed many decrees that would impact on Jewish life,
particularly in England which was most conscientious in following the papal
decrees. In 1218, King Henry III and his guardians passed legislation
providing that Jews could not go abroad without a license.  In 1232 King
Henry III pawned the Jews of Ireland and, regarding a Jew in the King's
service, he declared, "Whatever he acquires he acquires for the king."  In
1236 the ten richest Jews in England were imprisoned and ransomed.  As the
years went by further accusations of ritual murder were leveled against the
Jews, Jewish property was registered and expropriated, and the Jews were
seen as the royal usurers, compared to a sponge that the king used to absorb
the wealth of the people and then wrung into his own coffers.  As Jewish
usefulness waned, the kings became more enthusiastic in enforcing Church
doctrine concerning the Jews.  Henry III issued an edict in 1253 that in
order for the Jews to remain in England they must be of use to the king.  It
contained the additional usual prohibitions, now enforced, that they could
not build new synagogues, sing in loud voices, employ Christian servants,
eat meat during Lent, publicly dispute with Christians, have sexual
relations with Christians, prevent Jews from converting, enter a church, and
must wear a badge  (Chazan 188-9). In 1255 a ritual murder charged in
Lincoln was immortalized by Chaucer.  In 1275, because  other bankers were
now available in England,  the Jews of England were banned from engaging in
moneylending and encouraged to work in agriculture and commerce, but here
too their prospects for success were diminished because they were also not
allowed to own land or to join the merchant guild.   In 1278, during the
reign of Edward I (1272-1307), Jews, together with some Christians were
executed for coin clipping, shaving off the edges of coins for some of their
valuable metallic content, a practice that inspired the serrated edges that
are still found on many coins today (Chazan 306-7).  In 1288, Jews living in
the continental holdings of England were expelled.  In November 1290, Edward
I,  hoping to expropriate their property and debts owed to them, and no
longer dependent on their services because other bankers were now available
in England,  other bankers were now available in England, decreed the
expulsion of the Jews (Chazan 317-8).  Once the Jews left England, few Jews
appeared there until the sixteenth century when crypto-Jews from the Iberian
peninsula settled in England as Catholics.

G. Christian Spain

Christian Spain consisted of several different Catholic kingdoms such as
Castile and Leon, Aragon, and Spanish Navarre. As we described earlier, in
711 the Muslims conquered Christian Spain from the Visigoths, causing the
Christians to settle in the north.  From the eighth century to the tenth
there are few records concerning the Jews there.  Some of the rare mentions
of them include:  In 785 Pope Hadrian I expressed dissatisfaction with the
friendly treatment that Jews were receiving in Spain. In 801 Charlemagne
conquered Barcelona, establishing a stronger Christian presence in Spain.
In 813, following the identification of the bones of St. Stephen in
Santiago, pilgrims began to travel there, attacking Jews along the way. In
870 Jews were tolerated in Barcelona because as part of the Reconquista, the
Catholic reconquest of the peninsula, they were needed as colonists,
merchants, craftsmen, and doctors.  In 1086 the Almoravides, a Berber
dynasty from north Africa conquered Muslim Spain, compelling more Jews to
settle in the north.  In 1115 the Christians, under King Alfonso I of
Aragon, conquered Tudela and granted the Jews a very generous charter,
unlike the one they offered the Muslims.  It is interesting to note that
this Christian charter begins, "In the name of the compassionate and tender
God," the usual Muslim invocation of God (Chazan 69-70). Soon, however, in
1170 King Sancho VI of Navarre, moved the Jewish community into a new
section of Tudela with a wall. The Jewish community had the right to
communal autonomy and to protect themselves, though exactly what this
entailed remains the subject of scholarly debate, a debate with significant
ramifications for understanding the nature of the authority and power of the
Jewish community (Chazan 72-3). In 1146 Alfonso VII employed a Jew as his
chief tax collector, but many Catholics did not want Jews or even converts
to Catholicism to hold public office, so he soon yielded to them. In 1148
the Almohades, another Berber tribe, conquered the Almoravides and ruled
much of Spain, and, although an unusual step for Muslims, they forcibly
converted Jews to Islam, causing any remaining Jews to flee to the Christian
north. There they engaged in tax-farming, crafts, medicine, commerce,
moneylending, land surveying, and translation, ushering in a period  from
1148-1230 often characterized as a "Golden Age" for the Jews in the north of
Spain.  This constitutes further confirmation of the general rule that with
a ruling minority, and competing minority groups such as Arabs, Berbers,
Christians, and Jews, each group was able to enjoy more freedom than when a
minority must live under the authority of a single ruling majority.  

After the Battle of Los Avas de Toloso in 1212, when the Almohades were
defeated, most of Spain was in Christian hands.  Nevertheless, the King of
Castile and the Archbishop of Toledo wanted to attract Jews to their
territories.  Therefore, in 1219, only four years after it was enacted by
the Fourth Lateran Council, they appealed to the pope, Honorius III, to
rescind the requirement that Jews wear a badge, because, they claimed Jews
were fleeing to Muslim lands because of the badge and they were losing
income because of this, a request which the pope granted. (Chazan 179-180).

As Jews could now be replaced by Christians, the rulers in the north passed
edicts against the Jews, for whom a period of decline set in.  For example,
in 1241 King James I of Aragon sought to limit Jewish money lending and
required the Jews to attend conversionary sermons. Jewish converts to
Christianity were not to lose their property rights, including land, nor
were Jews allowed to attack them, evidence that the Jewish community was
aggressive in asserting itself in the battle for loyalty (Chazan 255-6).
Following the pattern of deterioration of the Jews in other medieval
counties, In 1250 the first ritual murder accusation was launched against
the Jews of Spain.  

Continuation of a longstanding pattern of Jewish involvement in the process
of Christian self-identification, especially in matters of sex, is seen in
the Seven Part Law Code, Las Siete partidas, issued by Alfonso X of Castile
in the 1260s. It is therefore significant that regularly at such moments, as
we saw earlier concerning the Council of Elvira in about the year 300,
Christians also defined the role of Jews. It asserted Jewish responsibility
for the Crucifixion, for which they lost political sovereignty, and then
provided an expression of the traditional Catholic legislation against
eating, bathing, and having sexual intercourse with and working in the homes
of Jews, and required Jews to wear a badge. One of the novel enactments was
the credibility it granted to the accusation that Jews ritually murdered
Christian children around Good Friday, stating that if the king believed a
charge, he could kill the perpetrators.  Possibly this could have been a way
to protect the Jews by limiting the executions to those approved by the king
and forestalling those done by lynch mobs, but, nevertheless, it may have
confirmed the veracity of the charges against the Jews.  This code also
asserted that the synagogue was a place of divine worship, and could not be
desecrated and protected the Jews from forced conversions (Chazan 190-195,
Marcus, no. 7).

In 1263 at Barcelona James I of Aragon and Raymond of Penaforte, whom we
have already met as one of the codifiers of canon law, held a major
disputation  between Paul Christiani, a convert from Judaism, and Moses
Nachmanides, Moses ben Nahman, or Ramban (1194-1270), the outstanding rabbi,
Bible commentator, kabbalist, and leader of his generation. One of the major
themes of this disputation was the attempt by the Christians to show that
the Talmud supported the claims of Christianity, such as that Jesus was the
Messiah.  Interestingly, this represented the opposite of one of the main
points raised  in the earlier mentioned disputation of Paris and by
subsequent popes, that the Talmud was the source of Jewish blasphemy against
Christianity and was responsible for the Jews not having converted to
Christianity. The debate also involved a discussion of Genesis 49:10, "the
scepter shall not pass from Judah, nor the staff from his descendants, until
Shiloh comes,"  which we have seen already in Jewish-Christian polemics.
Christiani saw this verse as referring to the coming of Christ and the loss
of political power by the Jews.  Nachmanides argued against this
interpretation by asserting that prior to Jesus the Jews had already lost
political power, so that he had nothing to do with their political fortunes.
The key to much of the disputation was the strong connection in the minds of
the participants between Jewish political authority and the question
messianism of Jesus,  one reason that Jewish political sovereignty continues
to be significant for Christian theologians and why Christian theology
continues to be threatening for many Jewish nationalists.  Christiani drew
heavily on rabbinic literature and as a response Nachmainides often found
himself questioning the authority of rabbinic sayings in the Midrash (Chazan
265-276.  A dramatic film rendition of this is available as The Disputation.)

The plague of 1348 and the accompanying violence against the Jews, despite
attempts, such as those of Peter IV of Aragon, to protect them  (Chazan
128-131),  marked a period of further decline.  Because, as during the First
Crusade, those who hurt Jews, however, were not punished.  In Castile, civil
war broke out in 1366 when a series of weak kings were unable to assert
themselves against aggressive popes and when Henry of Trastamara opposed his
brother Pedro the Cruel, whom he ultimately defeated and killed. Although
Henry used anti-Jewish slogans, he still employed Jewish advisers..  In 1379,
in a rare and daring act, the Jews killed a Jewish finance minister and as a
consequence lost any remaining judicial autonomy. 

1391 marks a major turning point in Spanish Jewish history. Wandering
friars, especially Ferdinand Martinez preached against the Jews, without
royal permission, but without much royal opposition.  As a result, mobs
forced tens if not hundreds of thousands of Jews to convert, unlike in
medieval Germany where Jews often chose death under similar circumstances.
Several historians have suggested that the influence of Islamic philosophers
in Spain may have led Jews to believe that all religions were outer garbs
for one universal truth so that they felt less need to die for Judaism.  Now
in Spain there emerged a class of New Christians or Conversos in addition to
the Jews and born Christians.  In addition, from 1394-1423 Benedict the XIII
was pope in Avignon, where, as mentioned earlier, the papacy resided from
1305 to 1378 during the Babylonian Captivity, and from 1378 a rival papacy
was located there. This change in physical presence altered the delicate
balance of the relationships between the various countries of Europe and the
pope. Always affected by the relations